Andrew Hartzler poses for a photo at his home in Tulsa, Okla. March 23, 2022. | Brett Deering of POLITICO Magazine
Sarah Posner is a researcher and author of God’s Benefits: Faith, Deception, and the Republican Crusade on Value Voters. She blogs about Dispatches of Religion.
This article was produced in collaboration with Type Studies.
TULSA, Okla – In November 2017, just months after his first year of Oral Roberts University, Andrew Hartzler was sitting in the school church, listening to the president of the university preach a sermon called “Holy Sex” with wonder if someone is trying to get out. him.
Attendance at the fortnightly service was a must for students at the Conservative College of Tulsa, Oklahoma. In this service, William M. Wilson calls for the book “Song of Solomon” to increase the sexual interest in marriage, urging students to pursue “Ring By Spring,” engaging in marriage within the first year. Wilson then made a black pillar to remind her that there is only one way to a happy ending. The law of Levi states, “If a man has sexual relations with a man as he has with a woman, both of them have committed an abomination and are to be put to death.”
Wilson asked the assembled students to close their eyes, bow their heads and raise their hands if they needed “healing in this sexual area.” Although these services were visually recorded and later posted online, Wilson assured the students that no one was watching, and that he would pray for anyone who touched their hands.
“I remember thinking about it then,” Hartzler said, “Oh, gosh, is this built?”
Hartzler, a gay man, did not raise his hand, knowing full well that in the ORU, homosexuality is a criminal offense punishable by expulsion. Like all students, Hartzler signed a promise: “I will not engage in or attempt to engage in any illegal activity, including any homosexual or sexual activity with anyone other than my spouse. Except for one man and one woman, they will not be united in marriage.
For any other non-religious college, such a commitment would be a violation of federal law 1972 which protects against gender discrimination in schools receiving federal funding. Since the mid-2010s, as courts and policymakers have begun to translate “gender” into federal civil rights laws to include gender identity and, later, sexual orientation, this protection has spread to LGBTQ students. But none of these protections are available to the nearly 100,000 LGBTQ students in more than 200 religious colleges and universities who have benefited from the widespread religious exemption from the law. To qualify for an exemption, a religious college or university needs to notify the Department of Education only of its compliance with the rules of non-discrimination against religious beliefs. According to the changes made by the Trump administration, the university may even apply for the waiver after being accused of discrimination.
ORU was not Andrew Hartzler’s first choice for college. But his father, who raised him in a deeply conservative Christian environment, told him it was the only university he would pay for his son’s education. At home, in the church, and in the Christian schools he attended, he was constantly taught that homosexuality was a crime, and that homosexuals were ungodly and even sinners. His parents live in the same house in Kansas City, Missouri, as does his father’s brother and wife, Rep. Vicky Hartzler, who has pushed for some of the biggest restrictions on homosexuals, has been banned from trans-trans Twitter. the position, currently running for the Republican Senate in the Senate to replace the retired Roy Blunt.
During his time at ORU, Hartzler, now 23, deliberately hid his sexual identity from school officials to avoid punishment that would jeopardize his degree. At the age of one, he was called to the head office after being informed that his friend was not an ORU student in the dormitory. Faced with the possibility of punishment and even being expelled from the university, Hartzler had an unexpected break when Covid closed the camp. He managed to avoid a series of “accountability conferences” with teachers, moved on from university and completed his degree in psychology from a distance, graduating in May 2021.
Within three months of graduation, Hartzler joined a class action lawsuit against the Department of Education, asking the court to stop the religious exemption in violation of the First Amendment Act, and equal rights for students. The complaint, filed in federal court in Oregon in 2021, reconsiders the clear details of the previous 33 plaintiffs. One plaintiff accused the administration of Bob Jones University of combing their social media and disciplined them for refusing to support its LGBTQ rights. A gay man claims that Union University dropped its application for permission after discovering he was married to a man; another, who felt called to the ministry and enrolled in Fuller Seminary, was fired a few days later because he was married to a man. The general theme, according to the complaint, is how the school administration examines students’ social media posts to find evidence of their sexual preferences or gender identity, or their support for LGBTQ rights.
“At Union University, I believe that all people have dignity, and therefore should be treated with kindness and respect,” said a school spokesman. “This suspicious case is an unscrupulous effort to eliminate religious schools by denying low-income students access to the college of their choice. It is a misguided attempt to discard the convention’s rules that are regularly respected and enforced. every presidential administration – both Democratic and Republican – for more than forty years. “(Fuller Seminary and Bob Jones University did not respond to requests for comment.)
Paul Southwick, director of the Discrimination Accountability Project Project, which advocates for the rights of LGBTQ students in Christian colleges and universities, and adviser to prosecutors, said even undisciplined students tolerate stressful behavior. and widespread fear. “These policies, which criminalize their identity and culture, are like a cloud hanging over their heads,” Southwick said. “It causes them to remain in the closet, to hide, to be wary of their behavior.” At many of these universities, Southwick said, “Your credentials are prohibited.”
Title IX exemption confirms that, despite the historic development of LGBTQ rights over the past decade, religious colleges and universities are not required to change their policies in accordance with these new rules – all while receiving taxpayer-subsidized investment benefits. According to the REAP complaint, religious colleges and universities with exemptions received, in 2018 alone, a total of $ 4.2 billion provided by the federal government. Most of this comes in the form of federal student loans and financial aid, but the disaster has also brought more relief. Oral Roberts University, for example, also received a $ 7.3 million award in 2020 under CARES law, and another $ 9.1 million under the Stabilization Fund for Education to help schools during a disaster, according to the report. federal investment reserves. Without federal aid, many students will not be able to attend these schools. But in order to keep the flow of federal money in line with religion, schools must change their policies, claiming to eliminate the nature of Christianity in their institutions. (ORU did not respond to requests for comment or comment.)
The REAP case comes at a time when religious rights are facing strong political power. The movement is on the verge of a major victory in the decades-long war against abortion, and Republican lawmakers and governors across the country have enacted anti-LGBTQ laws as Florida’s most controversial law titled “Do not say Homosexual” in the criticism, banned. LGBTQ books and criminalizing sex care for minors. But litigation against religious exclusion represents a potential threat to the pre-eminence of the evangelical movement. Christian schools have trained thinkers who have defended and defended a legal strategy dating back to the 1970s, when the early modern religious rights movement was not based on abortion but protected Christian K-12 schools and universities from the requirements to adhere to race. non-discrimination policies. Christian schools lost the war decades ago, but the basic argument they use to perpetuate anti-LGBTQ policies is the same: A secular state that requires Christian educational institutions to comply with civil rights law is a non-violation. unacceptable for their religion, regardless of the effect of discrimination on students.
The Department of Education has never imposed IX Penalty for the most severe punishment in college or university, secular or religious: ending federal funding in the form of loans and grants, federal research funding through the military and the Department of Health and Human Services, GI benefits , and other federal contracts. If the REAP lawsuit is successful, universities with religious exemptions could face the same consequences as secular schools with similar LGBTQ discrimination. (Thus, the Office of Civil Rights at the Ministry of Education has opened six investigations into allegations of discrimination against REAP clients at Christian colleges and universities.) legislation and ensuring that taxpayers ‘dollars do not fund unlawful discrimination, or allow LGBTQ students’ rights to be unprotected, providing hidden government support for religious views that run counter to established public policy.
Hartzler first learned about religious exemptions after graduating. “It did not make sense to me because the federal government is protecting us,” he said. “In my mind, where federal money is spent, [the law] must be followed.”
The real battlefield in Christian schools was not abortion or gay rights. It was a factor.
In 1976, when the Internal Revenue Service abolished the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University due to the ban on South Carolina primary school dating, it put out a fire that defined modern religious rights.
The government, the school and its supporters have argued that there is no room for compromise on the institute’s basic biblical beliefs. Together with the IRS’s efforts to classify private schools in K-12, reversing school tax exemptions explicitly, and proposing rules to differentiate others, the Bob Jones case – not abortion – was the main turning point in politics. advocating for and organizing preachers of national politics and their ongoing Republican alliances. (Unlike Bob Jones, ORU did not have racist policies.)
Since the 1970s, the fledgling religious right has attacked the IRS’s actions as a threat to Christian education which will have dire consequences. Pope Robert Billings, a graduate of Bob Jones who would have been the first executive director of the Ethical Majority, Ronald Reagan’s religious affiliation in the successful campaign in 1980, and a political appointee of the Reagan Department of Education, were instrumental in the success leh. efforts to stop the IRS from administering specific Christian K-12 school-related policies. The actions of the IRS, Billings warned at a 1978 press conference outside the agency’s headquarters in Washington, D.C., could lead to “nothing less than the destruction of religious freedom in the United States.”
Decades later, the case of Bob Jones University serves as a powerful short arm of what religious right shows the heavy hand of government when it comes to matters of faith. In 1983, after a protracted war, the Supreme Court ruled that the IRS could legally revoke school tax exemptions when its policies were “contrary to established public policy” – in that case, ending racial discrimination in education. The rationale for Bob Jones’ decision was that taxpayers should not make up for the discrimination that the courts had ruled to be illegal. When the Supreme Court heard arguments in the case of marital equality, Obergefell v. Hodges, 2015, Supreme Court Judge Samuel Alito, a passionate advocate for religious freedom for Christian rights, summoned viewers Bob Jones. He noted that the court held that the school was not entitled to religious exemptions due to its anti-gay nature, and asked: “Is it the same as any university or college if it are against same-sex marriage? ” Even before the court ruled in favor of Obergefell, religious rights activists and leaders of Christian colleges and universities openly protested, sending a letter to Republican leaders urging “schools adhere to religious and moral values.” they are at risk of losing their waiver. , which could lead to “severe financial hardship for these institutions and millions of students.”
The government has not taken any action in the seven years that marital equality has become the law of the land. Despite concerns over Alito’s question, the Obama administration has shown no political will in such a war. Although educational institutions are subject to another federal system of enforcement – Title IX – they have a precautionary measure in place and are in control of its religious exemption. The right to waive is enshrined in the law itself, and its accompanying history refers to the prominent religious colleges and universities that have been using it for decades to defend themselves against legal requirements.
The American Association of Independent Colleges and Universities, an organization founded in 1968 because they were “[b] established by government aggression, intensified competition for public universities, and a climate of student revolt” in college campuses. , leads the cost. The Department of Health, Education and Welfare (formerly the Ministry of Education) has proposed language rules that would give government officials the power to decide whether a school is eligible for a religious exemption. According to a legislative history published by legal scholar Kif Augustine-Adams, AAPICU rejected it, calling it a “gross and gross violation of academic and religious freedom.” As a result, the last rules of 1975 adopted a policy, to this day, that the top official of a university only needs to submit a letter certifying the legal aspects that contradict religious principles. of the association, and will then be waived. given.
Schools have freely used exceptions to protect themselves from cultural and legal changes that they claim to be unscriptural.
The first round of exemptions, issued by the Department of Education in 198, “[was] made to allow discrimination against women in employment, discrimination against unmarried women who are pregnant or terminating their pregnancy… or engaging in premarital sex, “said Shiwali Patel, senior consultant at the National Women’s Law Center. Universities also wanted to “significantly discriminate against women,” she said, including denying scholarships and admission.
ORU received its first waiver in 1985, after applying because of compliance “it may contradict the biblical statements about illicit sex, marriage and homosexuality.” At the time, Title IX did not prohibit sexual orientation discrimination, but the government granted the university a waiver of compliance with the law prohibiting discrimination based on marital or parental status and pregnancy.
After the first round, few requests were made for almost thirty years. That changed in 2013, when the Obama administration indicated it would consider discrimination based on gender identity in Title IX. Through “announcements, policy statements, enforcement of the Department of Education,” the Obama administration has indicated it will implement Title IX when schools discriminate against trans students, Patel said. “Then came many requests for religious exemptions from institutions that want to be able to discriminate against LGBTQI + students.”
In 2016, Oral Roberts University applied for an additional waiver, in accordance with its rules of honor and religious beliefs of its governing body – the Board of Trustees. “We cannot support or encourage an individual to live in conflict with Bible principles,” Wilson, president of the university, wrote. He implied that the university supported the medically rejected idea that LGBTQ people could be “transformed” or cured, citing parts of the university’s position on gender and sexual orientation. “It is never our intention to embarrass people who are struggling with sexual issues. Instead, we want to provide support and support for Christian love so that they can live a godly life under the ORU Honor Code.” However, Wilson proved the worst penalties. “Any individual who violates the ORU Honor Code is subject to disciplinary action, including expulsion from university.”
The education department, then part of Trump’s new administration, approved the school’s request for an exemption in December 2017, a few months after Andrew Hartzler enrolled there.
In many ways, the traditional warfare went straight into Andrew Hartzler’s bedroom.
When Hartzler was young, he was a fan of SpongeBob SquarePants, and decorated his bedroom with pictures of yellow sharks. As he recalls, Fox News released a section claiming SpongeBob was gay, and his parents immediately emptied his room of all SpongeBob items. “That was not right,” Hartzler reminded me recently while at his Tulsa apartment, across the street from the ORU. “I was not allowed to watch SpongeBob.” (Hartzler’s parents declined to be interviewed, writing in an email, “We love our son, Andrew Douglas Hartzler unconditionally; we prefer to keep our opinions private.”)
But over the next decade, much of the country will undergo a major change in attitudes – and laws – regarding gay rights. Hartzler, who joined the Middle Ages in the traditional war on homosexual rights, felt strongly the push and pull between the change in American cultural norms and the return of the gospel to that development.
In 2004, when Hartzler was five years old, his aunt, Vicky Hartzler, a former home economics teacher and state legislator, became spokeswoman for the Missouri Marriage Protection Alliance, which pushed for a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage. state, although a prohibition law was already in the books. “The most important building of a civilized society – traditional marriage – has been attacked,” she said, announcing the new initiative. “This unpopular attack on our core values must be stopped.” That same year, Missouri voters made it the first state to pass such a constitutional ban, part of a wave of organized religious rights that pushed George W. Bush to run for the White House again. (Vicky Hartzler did not respond to requests for comment, made in her Congressional office, regarding her cousin’s participation in the REAP lawsuit.)
Hartzler was unaware of his aunt’s advocacy, but he was very much aware that he was different, and the insults of his fellow students in the Christian class were threatening him, calling him “good” and “f–” early fourth grade. His parents expelled him from that school – founded by his grandmother – because of the bullying. “I think they were upset and afraid that I would start believing in what these children said because we did not talk about homosexuality,” he said.
The opportunity for high school allowed Hartzler to see what life was like for teens outside of his world. In the summer of 2014, he attended the UCLA People and People student conference. “That was the first time I ever met other non-Christians, because I lived in a protected environment. I really came out of my shell there, I completely came out of my shell,” he said, adding that showed photos of his time on his iPad.
But a few months later, his parents found a picture he had stored on his cell phone saying that another boy was having an affair. The following year, 2015, the same summer the Supreme Court issued its landmark decision banning same-sex marriage, and Hartzler’s parents sent him to a Christian summer camp in Tennessee practicing alternative medicine. (Twenty states and the District of Columbia, along with dozens of counties in the country, have banned this practice because of its harmful effects.) “It wasn’t until I got there that I met my friend who was also gay and conservative. “All these gay people who are not like me, wait, this is amazing, and it really was like sitting, sitting, eating, there was worship three times a day,” he said. “I hate it. It was awful. “
At his home in Tulsa this spring, he read aloud a journal he had memorized as a high school student. Hartzler said he was concerned at the time that his parents’ plan to send him to the ORU was “fraudulent” because he believed he had “various problems” and “ambitious ideas” that contradicted the ORU’s honor code policies.
Hartzler knew nothing about ORU other than that she was the father who chose her to college. It was founded in 1963, coinciding with the long campaign of religious rights against secularism, by Oral Roberts, a Pentecostal preacher who is thought to be a faith healer. Roberts, a television broadcaster, boasted of creating a “world-class university” that not only taught the Bible but taught “all men” the art of freedom, physical fitness and the spiritual gifts of Christianity, such as healing. , prophesying, and speaking in tongues – the same religious culture in which Andrew Hartzler grew up.
Campus Pride, a national provider of LGBTQ college student resources, has placed ORU on its list of “worst” colleges for LGBTQ youth. But the ORU is admired, defended and protected by preachers. During a financial scandal in the mid-2000s with ORU with the help of Roberts’ son, Richard, the billionaire owners of the Hobby Lobby and the Bible Museum pledged $ 70 million to save the school from financial ruin. “If the ORU goes down, it will affect all Christian colleges,” Mart Green said in 2008, explaining his family’s decision to intervene.
Evangelicals see ORU as a place to protect their children from the temptations of the secular world – and its rules. When Cinderella went to the 2021 NCAA World Basketball Team, LGBTQ equality fans criticized her participation because of her LGBTQ policies against NCAA non-discrimination laws. Gospel leaders jumped on the school defense.
“Christians in the United States now face the fact that open hostility to our rulings now leads to public calls for Christian colleges and schools to be discriminated against and expelled from organizations such as the NCAA,” wrote Albert Mohler, head of Southern Baptist Theology. Seminary. The USA Today pillar calling for the expulsion of ORU from the NCAA, he said, “blames any Christian college, university, institute, rental organization, church, or religion for daring to resist the head wind of the moral and sexual revolution. “
At ORU, the revolution felt like years Hartzler. In December 2017, while at home on Christmas holiday, he attempted suicide by taking an overdose of ibuprofen. While in hospital, he said his parents told him they liked him, but could not accept he was gay. As he recounted this in Tulsa, Hartzler strangled him explaining how he had asked his father if he would attend his wedding and walk down the aisle. His father, he said, no. In January, Hartzler returned to the ORU.
For two years, he managed to fly the radar, but in January 2020, Hartzler was invited to meet Dean Lori Cook and Associate Dean Zach Robinson, where, he said, he was accused of violating his friend’s honor code. in his bedroom. At his Tulsa home two years later, reading aloud from his journal, Hartzler recalled an angry outburst full of raw emotions. “I want love, affection, patience too,” the admission concluded. Hartzler was required to attend an “accountability meeting” with a third-party officer, Student Experience Director Jonathan Baker. Hartzler recalled: “The Bible there, it was set up as a Sunday school.” He said Baker talked to him about “how to be a man of God and how to be a good husband to your wife, and how men should be family leaders.” (ORU has not responded to a request for comment on the incident or at meetings with school officials.)
Hartzler faced post-match anxiety. “It’s an amazing feeling to have trouble with who you are, in particular. I would say it’s the worst feeling because, I mean, it makes sense if you have a problem with a trick or something, something like that.”
Hartzler should have had more “accountability meetings”. But he let the phones receive voice messages. Then, in March, the campus was evacuated due to the Covid-19 disaster. In his senior year, Hartzler lived outside the university, avoided meeting with school officials, and graduated in 2021. Later that year, using social media and LGBTQ social media, he discovered REAP. , realizing that his experience with ORU is far from over. special. He decided to join the lawsuit, posting on social media his participation in December last year. He said he was not welcome at the Christmas house.
Even more so than abortion, the right-wing extremism against LGBTQ rights does not reflect widespread social norms. Indeed, a large number of Americans support the protection of non-discrimination against LGBTQ people. A recent poll by the Institute for Public Religious Research found that 79 percent of Americans prefer that protection, including even 61 percent of white preachers. But as public opinion supports the legal expansion of LGBTQ rights, evangelical organizations, especially educational institutions, the policies are moving in the direction of the law, politics and culture at large.
“With rights rapidly advancing same-sex marriage and all that, the content of these vague religious institutions has not improved,” said Southwick, who himself attended George Fox University, Oregon College of Preaching. . Instead, he said, they were “getting worse in many ways.”
In the early months of 2021, Southwick embarked on a tour of Christian colleges and universities, assessing the interest of LGBTQ students in challenging their schools. He filed a lawsuit in federal court in Oregon against the U.S. Department of Education in March of that year with 33 plaintiffs. The lawsuit was settled out of court by the College of Universities and Universities and three schools, Corban University, William Jessup University and Phoenix Seminary, and filed a motion to dismiss the lawsuit, which the education ministry argued was unfair. dispute resolution vehicles. The Department of Education, and the Department of Justice, which are handling the case, have both declined to comment on the lawsuit or the Biden administration’s position on religious exclusion. (Following the 2020 Supreme Court ruling in Bostock v. Clayton County that Title VII’s prohibition of racial discrimination in employment includes a section on gender-based discrimination and gender identity, Biden administration confirmed that Title IX prohibits educational discrimination. also.) These motions, together with the plaintiffs’ motion for preliminary injunction, are pending.
Josiah Robinson, getting REAP during the final semester of 2021 at Regent University Law School “was the most boring, most beautiful thing.” As Robinson spent Covid’s arrest to study the history of LGBTQ rights, and the existence of religious exemptions, knowing the REAP case provided an opportunity for him to contact the plaintiffs’ attorneys and take advantage of his research skills.
Robinson grew up in Tulsa in the shadow of the ORU, graduating from the University of 2016. All of his childhood, age, and time spent at the ORU took him deep into the room. Involved in the Church and the charming Christian youth organizations, Robinson, too, believed that his sexuality was a “struggle,” and convinced himself that “I am queer because God has chosen me to deal with this horrible disease, the scourge, and me. I was chosen to carry this burden for the rest of my life.
When it was time to apply for law school, “I was terrified,” Robinson said, “if I went to a secular school, I would be sexually harassed.” He then chose Regent Law School, which he took over in 1986 Oral Roberts Law School founded in Tulsa seven years ago. It was the first of its kind, and was started to teach the basics of “biblical” law. But the American Bar Association refused to recognize it, due to its limited definition of the Christian faith, which both students and teachers were required to sign. The ABA argued that the statement of belief was racist, violating its standardized standards, which included a ban on discrimination in the legal profession. Without ABA accreditation, a law school cannot succeed, as in most states, a student must graduate from an ABA-recognized law school to take a mid-term exam.
The fight against identity has been a source of tension for today’s religious freedom struggles. The ORU sued the ABA and received a preliminary injunction from a federal judge, arguing that the measure violated his religious beliefs. With that power in hand, school attorneys forced the ABA to change its wording standards. The law school was later recognized and is now held at Regent University in Virginia Beach, Virginia, founded by Roberts’ friend, television presenter Pat Robertson.
During his time as a regent, Josiah Robinson began to see his gender – and these hostile Christian institutions – clearly. “Regent College has been at the forefront of anti-marital equality, and they are some of the leading voices against LGBTQ rights. They are legal review scholars and legal professionals who use religious freedom as a tool of discrimination. ”Said Robinson.
Robinson recalled sitting alone in the law library in 2018, with the Federal Community of Religious Freedom event taking place on the ground floor. The speaker was Kristen Waggoner, one of the celebrated former students of Regent Law, who, a consultant to the Coalition for the Defense of Freedom, a legal authority for Christian rights, successfully debated Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, a 2018 case in which the Supreme Court arrested a state civil rights commission for violating the religious freedom of the baker-dure investigation into allegations of homosexual couples discriminating against them by denying them service. (ADF also represents the three Christian colleges that intervened in the REAP case.) “I could hear them clapping and cheering,” Robinson said. “Almost nobody knew at the moment that I was a jerk, and that I felt isolated, that I felt lonely, that I was being targeted and that I had no choice but to try. adapt, then I will not lose my whole lifestyle. “
Robinson spent his final year at law school under the Covid siege, learning more about religious exclusion and LGBTQ rights. He analyzed the rules of honor at Regent and other Christian universities and established a knowledge base which resulted in him taking a part-time position in REAP examining the rules of honor in Christian schools. He is now back in Tulsa thanks to a grant from Tulsa Remote, a project funded by the George Kaiser Family Foundation, created “to improve the workforce community and the success of Tulsa by bringing different, bright personalities who bring the city. “
Now, he hopes to change the same environment that blocked his identity for the first 25 years of his life. “To present here, my great self, and to be seen was important to me,” he told me on a sad day in March as we walked the streets of the Convention Center, a river park in downtown Tulsa. . But he acknowledged that it would not be easy to change the mindset of what was once a hotbed of controversy and of institutions such as the ORU, megachurchs, politically aligned and powerful in some of these areas. movement. ”
The legal framework – Christian law schools, alumni produced to practice law and become judges, the growing acceptance of religious freedom advocates in the courts – serves to reinforce the theological pressure on LGBTQ children such as Hartzler and Robinson experienced. The REAP lawsuit is the only way to contest it. “I think there is a need to build bridges, and I think Tulsa could be a better place,” Robinson said. “There is a lot of work to be done in religious places.”
What is a THEY person?
Such as: “They and I went to the store,” where it is used of an unidentified person, or it is a name filling in a situation where the person’s gender identity is unknown. This may interest you : Alison Esposito opens up as NY’s first openly gay lieutenant gov candidate.
What is gender? They / their pronouns are gender-neutral. They are not explicitly or specifically non-binary. There are good reasons why non-binary people don’t prefer them / their pronouns, and there are good reasons why non-binary people prefer them / their pronouns.
What kind of person is they?
Third Personal Perspective The third person’s pronouns include him, him, him, himself, her, him, her, herself, him, her, herself, them, their, their, their, and their souls. On the same subject : Disney revealed: leaked videos show officials pushing LGBT agenda, saying DeSantis wants to “wipe out” gay kids.
What kind of word is they?
It is a noun – a type of word.
What gender is the pronoun they?
Although pronouns “they” appear to be thought to be gender neutral (and many people see pronouns as important proof of identity), the person who goes by “them” is actually can really be a man, a woman, both, both, either, or everything else.
Which type of person is they?
| Person | Case Purpose | Proprietary titles |
|---|---|---|
| Third Person Alone | him / her | him / her |
| First person plural | anaga | it belongs to us |
| Second Person plural | you | yours |
| Plural third person | they | their |
What is a THEY person?
Sida: à¢ à ¢ â € šÂ¬Ã‚ Ã ¢ à ¢ â € šÂ¬Ã‚ Ã ¢ à ¢ â € šÂ¬Ã‚ Ã ¢ à ¢ â € šÂ¬Ã‚ Ã ¢ à ¢ â € œWhile used by the opposite sex, or is pseudonym when there is an unknown gender.
What does it mean when someone is they?
Although pronouns “they” appear to be thought to be gender neutral (and many people see pronouns as important proof of identity), the person who goes by “them” is actually can really be a man, a woman, both, both, either, or everything else. Read also : Anti-gay rights groups win millions as states debate anti-LGBTQ laws.
What does it mean when someone says she they?
For example, as one author and Twitter designer whose names are she / he explains, someone may use her / him â œI recognize her as a woman, but she is also not indiscriminately.
What does it mean when someone says he they?
pronouns have no gender. Anyone can use any pronouns. he / she can be used by men, but it is also mostly used by women with dried meat. he / she pronounces simply means that person uses both him / her and them.
What gender is the pronoun they?
Here are a few things you may have heard: They / They (Shea ate their food because they were hungry.) This is a common and moderate noun that can be used alone. . In fact, ⠜ xIt was voted to be the Word of the Year 2015.
What does Homoromantic mean?
Homosexuals are attracted to people of the same sex or to the same sex. Although it is similar to the word “homosexuality” – which can be an attack, FYI, so we will use “good” here – the word “gay” specifically speaks of sexual attraction.
What is asexual Heteroromantic? The heteroromantic asexual person lovingly attracts individuals of the opposite sex, but does not sexually attract them.
What does Demi mean in LGBTQ?
Homosexuals feel sexually attracted to someone when they have an emotional relationship with the person. They can be gay, straight, bisexual, or pansexual, and can have gender identity. The prefix â € œdemiâ isu means halfâ € ”which indicates halfway between sex and femininity.
What does the term Demi mean?
Definition demi- 1: half demisemiquaver. 2: one part (type or category) of a deity.
How do I know if I’m demisexual?
Here are some signs that you are gay
- You were just dating people you were friends with. You felt a deep connection with them, had a sense of confidence and security. …
- Take the destruction seriously. He did not oppress anyone. …
- Confusion, confusion. …
- You are not attracted to strangers. …
- Your friends call you smart.
What’s the difference between Demi and pansexual?
Pansexuality is the sexual attraction of people regardless of gender, while the paromantic are able to feel the attraction of love regardless of gender. Ultimately, dualism is the only sexual attraction for people who have a strong emotional relationship with the opposite sex.
Can Demi be asexual?
Yes You can at the same time identify yourself as gay and lesbian or gay and bisexual and stupid. It is also completely OK to switch directions.
What does it mean to be Biromantic?
Biromanticism is when a person lovingly attracts people with two distinct identities. Individuals identified as biromantic should not be sexually attracted to the same people they are romantically attracted to.
What is the Biromantic flag?
This flag is meant for anyone who feels attracted to two or more lovers. In general, the biromantic flag is inspired by the flag of both sexes. Advertising.
How do you know if you are Biromantic?
Lurie says some of the signs that you may be biromatic are:
- Enjoy non-sexual relationships (such as flirting or quality time) with romantic partners of the opposite sex.
- You are able to imagine a different love couple in the future.
- You have an emotional desire to enjoy sex, but not the other sex.
What is Biromantic example?
The biromantic person is able to feel an emotional and romantic relationship with people of both sexes. For example, you could go to a guy with a candlelight dinner date and fall in love. With the same brand, you can also follow the same date candlelight dinner for a woman and fall in love.
Can asexual be pansexual?
People who are asexual and panromantic rarely or never feel sexual attraction, but may feel attracted to people of any gender. Asexual people have a lot in common with both sexes and lesbians, but there are important differences between this guide.
Can I be pansexual and Graysexual?
They can be gay, straight, bisexual, or pansexual, and can have gender identity. The prefix â € œdemiâ isu means halfâ € ”which indicates halfway between sex and femininity. Demisexuality can be a form of gray sex.
Is pansexual the same as asexual?
There are many ways to identify it. In addition to pansexual, there are other words that describe your orientation, including: Asexual. You experience little sexual attraction for everyone, regardless of gender.
What does the pink white and orange flag mean?
The proud lesbian flag has seven stripes, ranging from orange to gradient pink top to bottom with a white stripe in the middle.
What is the white and red orange flag? The Lesbian flag is often referred to as the “sunset flag”, and the design includes shades of orange, red and white. Discrimination means inconsistencies in gender, independence, society, special relationships in femininity, stability and peace, love and gender.
What does the pink and white flag mean?
The flag was first hoisted at Phoenix Pride Square in 2000. The light blue represents the boys, and the red represents the girls. White is used to label transgender people, those who feel they are gay or lesbian and those who are gay.
What is the flag that is pink and white?
Gender change is a dignified blue, red and white flag representing gender communities, organizations, and individuals. Designed by Monica Helms of the United States in 1999.
What does a pink flag mean?
The flag represents the transgender community and consists of five straight lines. Two light blue in the traditional color of baby boys, two red for girls, with white stripes in the middle for those who are transgender, who feel they have a neutral or non-gender identity, and those who are gay.
What does an orange and pink flag mean?
The New Lesbian flags, from top to bottom, represent ‘sexless’ (black orange), ‘independent’ (orange), ‘social’ (light orange), ‘special relationships for women’ ( white), ‘calm and peace’ (red), ‘love and sex’ (pink red), and ‘female’ (black rosette).
What is the asexual flag?
The flag consists of four straight lines: black, gray, white and red from top to bottom. The black lines represent the sex, the gray line represents the gray area between sex and gender, the white striped sex, and the community of red stripes. The flag is 3’x5â â ye polyester.
What does a pink flag mean?
Pansexual Pride Flag â € ”The pansexual pride flag has three straight lines: red, yellow, and blue. According to most definitions, red represents the identified female, blue represents the identified male, while yellow represents the most attractive.
What is the straight ally flag?
The Ally Pride Flag Alliance is a heterosexual and / or heterosexual group that advocates equal civil rights, gender equality, LGBTQA + social movements, and opposes homosexuality, xenophobia, xenophobia, and any form of discrimination. throughout the LGBTQA + community.
What does the flag of the straight alliance mean? The flag of the direct alliance represents the unity and support of the LGBTQ community. Here is the meaning of the straight ally flag: The letter ‘A’ means ally. The black and white stripes represent the straight flag. The rainbow colors in the letter ‘A’ are for the LGBT community.
What does the Q stand for in Lgbtq?
What does LGBTQ mean? The acronym stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender. Occasionally, Q will be added to Queer and / or Questions, A for Alliance, I for Intersex and / or TS for Both Persons. Lesbian â € “a woman whose love, emotions and body are fundamental to other women.
What is a rainbow ally?
Rainbow Ally aims to support LGBTQ membership and workplace equality, by helping non-partisan workers become partners. Rainbow Ally aims to raise awareness, create understanding, and equip people outside the LGBTQ community to form alliances with LGBTQ-recognized partners.
